Why Germany was So Discontented with The Treaty of Versailles

Why Germany was So Discontented with The Treaty of Versailles After the WWI, Germany had trouble accepting the unexpected defeat and was anxiously awaiting a peace treaty. It wasn’t until 1919 that finally The Treaty of Versailles was formed and signed, however the Germans were left discontented with it. There were many accumulative reasons why the Germans disliked the treaty; one being the first fact of how disappointed they were that they had lost the war. It was known that the German military officials believed that they had a large chance of winning throughout the war- and was surprised of the failure of the Ludendorff Offensive. This meant that whatever the terms were, it would always feel†¦show more content†¦The term in the Peace treaty that I believe that Germany was most angry about was of the disarmament clause. The army and weaponry had always been a source of great national pride for Germany, and the reduction to a 100,000 man army, 6 battleships exc. Submarines, no arm force and no heavy weaponry deeply humiliated them. The felt it was unfair that (although according to Woodrow Wilson’s points as supposed to happen) that no other countries gave up their weaponry either and thought that they were demoted and degraded to an extremely vulnerable country. To add to the disarmament term, the Germans were told to destroy all of their current fortifications/bridges and place there miniscule, volunteer (so that the military training of an average person was only of a standard, as is the amount who received such tuition) army 50 kilometres from the border of the controversial Rhineland as well as allowing French and British armies to occupy around the river Rhine. This antagonised the Germans as the last thing the wanted was to effectively ‘give’ an important land to their victorious to sit and watch their every move- they wanted them out! Furthermore, thereShow MoreRelated Comparing Dictators Adolf Hitler versus Benito Mussolini versus Joseph Stalin1660 Words   |  7 Pagesbetween their ideology, usage of propaganda censorship and the method of improving the economy would be stated and explained through examples. Basically, their ultimate aim was the same, they all tried to make their country better. However, there was their own ambition wanting for power included in their ruling which was probably why they all ended up dictating their county. They all abolished the democracy idea and used similar methods to rule their country, they all had control over the media for exampleRead MoreChapter 212902 Words   |  12 Pagescasualties of the war, including some 10 million deaths; perhaps twice the number wounded, crippled, or disfigured; and countless women for whom their would be no husbands or children 5. With whom did the Ottoman Empire ally itself in WWI? Germany. (p. 981) 6. When and why did the United States join the war? The United States, after initially seeking to avoid involvement in European quarrels, joined the war in 1917 when German submarines threatened American shipping. (p. 981) 7. In what ways did WWI markRead MoreHitlers Rule in the Third Reich2556 Words   |  11 PagesDiscuss the impacts of Hitlers political, social and economical control of Germany in the Third Reich. (1500 words) Hitler rose to power after President Hindenburgs demise yielded him presidency in addition to the Chancellor role he already held. This made him the Fuhrer (Supreme Leader) with complete control of Germany. He took numerous political, social and economical measures to ensure his popularity amongst his people so as to prevent rebellion. He already in fact had some of these measuresRead MoreThree Main Catalysts that Brought the U.S. Into World War II2624 Words   |  11 PagesThree Main Catalysts that Brought the U.S. Into World War II Throughout time scholars have examined human history and many events come to mind. While many of these events have good explanations or just reasons why they occurred, there are a handful of events that had no rhyme or reason, and these events will continue to baffle scholars for centuries to come. There is one event that continues to stand out when considering the events of the 1900s. The events of World War II are extremely broad and

The Effect of Formal Strategic Planning on Firm...

Introduction Telekom Malaysia International (Bangladesh) Ltd. (TMIB), established in 1996, is a joint venture company between Telekom Malaysia Berhad (TM) and A. K. Khan Co. Ltd. It operates under the brand name ‘AKTEL’, which is one of the largest telecommunication service providers in Bangladesh. AKTEL became the first mobile operator to connect Teknaf and Tetulia, the northern and southern most points of Bangladesh respectively. AKTEL was first to provide seamless coverage along the Dhaka-Chittagong highway, and covers all 61 allowable districts of Bangladesh. It has more than six million subscribers nationwide. AKTEL also has the widest international roaming service in the market, connecting 440 operators across 185†¦show more content†¦Previous researchers have agreed that the strategic planning process consists of three major components (Hopkins and Hopkins, 1997): (1) Formulation (which includes developing a mission, setting objective, determining the external and internal environments, and evaluating and selecting strategy alternatives). (2) Implementation. (3) Control. The nature of strategy to adopt for an organization raised the so-called â€Å"design versus process† debate, which emphasizes the difference between deliberate and emergent strategies (Mintzberg and McHugh, 1985; Mintzberg and Waters, 1985). Deliberate strategies are defined as strategies that are formulated in advance, whereas an emergent strategy represents an evolving strategic pattern with or without advance planning. However Grant (2003) argued that this debate has been based upon a misconception of how strategic planning works in the real world. From his investigation of the strategic planning practices of the major oil companies, Grant (2003) derived that strategic planning â€Å"can be described as processes of â€Å"planned emergence†. The primary direction of planning was bottom-up – from the business units to the corporate headquarters – and with business managers exhibiting substantial autonomy and flexibility in strategy making. A t the same time, the structure of the planning systems allowed corporate management established constraints and guidelines in the formShow MoreRelatedPlanning Of Succession Planning And Its Impact On Organizational Performance1412 Words   |  6 PagesThis paper gives new research data and an approach to succession planning. It will add value to senior HR professionals and executive teams in organizations who are concerned about effective succession planning and talent management which will be an added advantage to the companies. Purpose: Introduction: The present study is conducted to measure the practice of Succession Planning and its impact on Organizational Performance in IT companies based in Bangalore. This city was once known for its lushRead MoreTheories Of Organizational Succession Planning Essay1327 Words   |  6 Pagesand determining how each of these topics relates to the researcher’s own study. A systematic presentation of the literature forms the foundation of the study. 2.1 THEORECTICAL FRAMEWORK There are different theories on organizational succession planning, each identifying own paradigm and concept. Some of these theories include Trait Theory, Path-Goal Theory, Game Theory and Leadership Model Theory. (A) Trait Leadership Theory Trait leadership theory suggests that all leaders are born with or displayRead MoreMarketing Planning1081 Words   |  4 PagesMarketing Planning Gilligan Wilson (2009), define marketing planning as logically establishing of marketing objectives and formulating plans to achieve them. This involves an elaborate plan researched and detailed to evaluate results of past marketing decisions, create future goals, and to obtain funds to pursue new business ventures. Perspectives of marketing planning The marketing perspective is an organizations long-term view of its market position; can be spread over by short-term profitRead MoreQuality Management Essay1525 Words   |  7 Pagesmanagement consultant assigned to a small manufacturing firm that has been experiencing a myriad of problems. After conducting interviews and fact-finding with key managers, you have observed the following: †¢Company revenues and profits have fallen dramatically over the previous 12 months, along with a drop in market share †¢Customer complaints have reached an all time high †¢Employee morale is at an all time low †¢The company has no formal quality program in place †¢No employee training programRead MoreQuality Management Essay1542 Words   |  7 Pagesmanagement consultant assigned to a small manufacturing firm that has been experiencing a myriad of problems. 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While there are some fortunate people who have found a way to translate what they do for an avocation into a vocation in ways that make work fun, it is reasonable to suggest that most people would not work at any type of job without being paid for their efforts. MoreoverRead MoreThe Relationship Between Hrm and Organisational Strategic Direction1494 Words   |  6 Pages11011 | The relationship between HRM and organisational strategic direction. | Assessment Item 1 - Essay | | Tracey Lee – s0048653 | 8/4/2012 | This essay discusses the role that HRM plays in the strategic direction of an organisation. | What role does HRM play within the strategic direction of an organisation? Within this essay it will be discussed how the effective management of human resources positively impacts the performance and success and hence direction of an organisation. ThisRead MoreAn Introduction to Organizational Behavior1638 Words   |  7 Pagesï  ® individual: employee motivation and perception ï  ® group: teams, communication, job design, and leadership ï  ® organization-wide: change, culture and organizational structure ï  ® interorganizational (network): outsourcing, organizational networks, strategic alliances and mergers - interdisciplinary roots ï  ® psychology: work teams, work motivation, training and development. Power and leadership, human resource planning, and workplace wellness ï  ® sociology: group and intergroup dynamics, roles, normsRead MoreDefinition Of Management Control Systems Essay1543 Words   |  7 PagesSimons (1995) defines management control systems (MCSs) as formal, information-based routines and procedures used by managers to maintain or adjust patterns in organisational activities. The quality of control systems is referred to their effectiveness, regardless the type, either they exist in positive or negative form. The characteristics portrayed by individual companies are not identical, hence each of them may require different type of controls. Variation in firm’s objectives, strategies, culturesRead MoreCritically compare and contrast the ‘Best Fit’, ‘Best Practice’ and ‘Resource-Based View’, models of HRM strategy and explain how each approach is argued to contribute to improved organisational performance.2489 Words   |  10 PagesIS ARGUED TO CONTRIBUTE TO IMPROVED ORGANISATIONAL PERFORM ANCE. Strategy is the skill and planning that are involved in governing resources. In a business sense this relates to a set of ideas, policies and practices which management adopt in order to achieve a people management objective in studying Human Resource Management it is important to differentiate between the operational and the strategic methods of managing a workforce. A Strategic focus will require operating HR initiatives with

Independence Day of Bangladesh Free Essays

string(133) " the unifying force in this country; Islam was understood, interpreted, and exercised in different ways in these two separate wings\." On 26 March, 1971 the independence of Bangladesh was declared and the Liberation War began. The people of then-East Pakistan took part in this war to liberate Bangladesh from the oppression of military leaders of Pakistan. Independence for Bangladesh was gained through a nine-month civil war against the Pakistani Army, which resulted in the loss of about 3 million lives. We will write a custom essay sample on Independence Day of Bangladesh or any similar topic only for you Order Now [2] The Mukti Bahini (Bengali â€Å"freedom fighters†), with military support from India, defeated the Pakistani Army on 16 December in the same year, which is celebrated as Victory Day. Bangladesh and Pakistan The creation of Pakistan contained the germs of discord between â€Å"West Pakistanis† and Bangalis. Initially, the population of East Bengal supported the creation of Pakistan, that is, the partition of the Indian subcontinent into two constituent parts following the withdrawal and departure of the British. The Bengali support for the creation of Pakistan was a result of the transformation of the Bangalis in British occupied India. During the British rule in the Indian subcontinent, the dominant section of the Muslim upper class had two components, the zamindars (landlords) and the ulema (clergy). A few words about these â€Å"landlords† is absolutely necessary. The British consolidated their rule in Bengal by instituting the zamindars. The zamindari and-holding system gave the land-owners the right to crop share and revenue collection from the cultivators in the land entitled to them by the British. In return these land-owners would provide an annual entitlement charge to the colonial authorities. The Muslim League represented these â€Å"men of property and influence. In order to counter the Indian Congress’ support among the nationalist Muslim communities as well as serve as a counter-weight to Indian nationalism, the Muslim League advanced the notion of â€Å"two-nation theory. † The communal separatists devised the â€Å"two-nation theory. † This â€Å"theory† claimed that the Muslims and the Hindus in the subcontinent constituted two different and irreconcilable nationalities. This â€Å"theory† did not explain how in spite of v ast class, linguistic, ethnic, social, and cultural differences, Muslims in the subcontinent constituted one nation, other than that the Muslim constitute a nified nation on a basis of â€Å"divine sanction. † The idea of a distinct state for the Indian Muslims was first proposed by Muhammed Iqbal; his scheme, which did not include Bengal, was confined to setting up a separate state for Indian Muslims in the North-West of the subcontinent. The name Pakistan was coined by Chaudhuri Rahmat Ali along with a group of students in Cambridge. Pakistan was an acronym that stood for Punjab, Afgania (Pathan), Kashmir, Sind, and istan, which is Persian for country. Hence, Rahmat Ali’s scheme too failed to include the â€Å"lesser breed† of Bangali Muslims. The demand for Pakistan was originally dismissed as a naive scheme. It was initially viewed as nothing more than a bargaining tool for the leaders of the Indian Muslims. Despite the incorporation of the demand for Pakistan into its program, the Muslim League failed to mobilize grass-root Muslim support for itself. This fact is reflected in the Muslim League inability to attain a majority among Indian Muslims prior to the election of 1946. In its struggle for independence from the British, the Indian National Congress had utilized the religious sentiment of Muslims towards the Turkish Sultanate under the Caliphate title. The Muslims supported Turkey which had entered the First World War on the German side against the British. The Indian nationalist leaders built up the Khalifat movement against the British. However, the Khalifat movement died its natural death when Kamal Atuatur, the reformist dictator, abolished the nominal position of Caliphate in 1924. The Indian Congress’ strength among Indian Muslims never quite reached the level that it had during the Khalifat movement. Subsequently, the Muslim League gained and exerted influence on the Muslim anti-colonialist movement. It was Jinnah, earlier hailed as â€Å"the ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity,† who led the demand for Pakistan under the slogan of â€Å"Divide and Quit. † This demand was the political expression embodying the national aspirations of Muslim landlords, rising business men, civil servants, mullahs (priests), and religious pirs (saints). The demand for an independent state for Indian Muslims became a living force among the Muslim masses because of its appeal to Indian Muslims that they would have separate development free from what was described as Hindu domination and exploitation, with an opportunity for economic prosperity. On March 23, 1940, the Muslim League adopted the Lahore Resolution, moved by Fazlul Huq of Bengal, which called for political independence by creating two states for Muslims. It stated: â€Å"the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority as in the North-Western and Eastern Zones of India should be grouped to constitute ‘Indian States’ in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign. † The Lahore Resolution, which later came to be widely discussed and debated, was effectively by-passed by the Delhi Resolution. Moved by H. S. Suhrawardy of Bengal and adopted in the Muslim League Legislators’ Convention on April 9, 1946, it stated: â€Å"any formula devised by the British Government for transferring power from the British to the people of India†¦ will not contribute to the solution of the Indian problem [unless]†¦ the Zones comprising Bengal and Assam in the North-East, and the Punjab, the NWFP, Sind and Baluchistan in the North-West of India†¦ be constituted into one sovereign independent state and†¦ implement the establishment of Pakistan†¦ wo separate constitution-making bodies be set up for Pakistan and Hindustan† (emphasis added). Pakistan, as it came into being, was the paradigm of an artificial state. This newly independent state was a geographical anomaly; it was separated into two parts by approximately 1,600 kilometers of Indian territory. The Western part consisted of the provinces of Sind, Baluchistan, North-West Frontier Province (NWFP), an d a divided section of the Punjab, while the Eastern part consisted solely of East Bengal. The socio-cultural diversity between the two wings of Pakistan was enormous. In fact, this diversity was extended even to the very basis, the ideological pretext, that is, the religion of the people, which was to serve as the unifying force in this country; Islam was understood, interpreted, and exercised in different ways in these two separate wings. You read "Independence Day of Bangladesh" in category "Essay examples" The history of Islam in â€Å"West Pakistan† and East Bengal was completely dissimilar. In spite of having established Pakistan on the basis of the â€Å"two-nation theory,† a section of the high command of the Muslim League still retained the idea of establishing a secular parliamentary state. The contradiction in the position was clearly spelt out in Jinnah’s inaugural address to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on August 11, 1947. He declared: â€Å"Any idea of a United India could have never worked and†¦ would have led us to a terrific disaster†¦ we should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities—the Hindu community and the Muslim community—because even as regards Muslims you have Pathans, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on and among the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalees, Madrasis, and so on—will vanish†¦ his [difference] has been the biggest hindrance on the way of India to attain her freedom and independence and but for this we would have been a free people long ago†¦ you are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this state of Pakistan. You ma y belong to any religion or caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the State. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State†¦ ou will find that in course of time, Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Hindus and Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State† (emphasis added). The theoretical confusion and the opportunistic nature of Pakistan’s ruling elite is clear in Jinnah’s inaugural speech. The Pakistani ruling-class, having established the state of Pakistan on the basis of the â€Å"two-nation theory,† could not find the ideological justification for establishing a secular state. The mullahs and the right-wing elements in the Muslim League wanted Pakistan to be a state with â€Å"pan-Islamic ideals† since Pakistan, they claimed, was not merely a state for Indian Muslims but also a â€Å"Muslim State. † The mullahs and their allies argued that since Pakistani was established to be a state for the Muslims in India, the state structure and its laws should be based upon the precepts laid in the medieval religious laws. Yet, the liberal bourgeois component of the Pakistani ruling class wanted to establish a secular state that functioned on the basis of civic laws. If, indeed, religion had nothing to do with â€Å"the business of the State,† then why carve a separate state for Indian Muslims? The Pakistani ruling elite were confronted with the dilemma of over-riding their own claim that Pakistan was to be an Islamic state for Indian Muslims. The liberal bourgeoisie could not justify advancing secularism in Pakistan since the state was established on the basis that Muslims in India constitute not just a distinct religious community, but a separate nation. That the Indian Muslims did not constitute one homogenous nationality became apparent in the confrontation of nationalities in the state of Pakistan and the eventual secession of East Bengal from Pakistan. The secession of East Bengal demonstrated that the claims of national unity based upon religious conceptions could not prevent the disintegration of the state of Pakistan. The crisis of the pakistani ruling elite An Analyis of the of Poisition of the Bangalis Under Pakistani Rule in the 1950s The Muslim League, the first ruling party of Pakistan, lacked a mass base. The Muslim League came into power in Pakistan after having succeeded in dividing the subcontinent into two, following the departure of British. The central government of the state of Pakistan was set up in the Western wing of the state primarily because most of the upper class of â€Å"Musalman† aristocrats migrated to the western wing. The fundamental difficulties facing the Pakistani ruling class were: one, to construct a viable polity, and two, to integrate the various nationalities into this bizarre state, separated into two wings. Throughout the history of Pakistan, the province of East Bengal had a greater population than all the other provinces of Pakistan combined, as the following table shows: Povince Population in millions 1951 1961 1971 East Bengal 41. 9 50. 8 70 West Pakistan 33. 7 42. 9 60 The central state apparatus, the military and the civil service, was dominated by the Muslim immigrants from North India and by the Punjabis. The North Indian Muslims were involved in the British administration in Delhi. Hence, they dominated the civilian administration in Pakistan. The Punjab had served as the garrison of the British Indian Army. Hence, the Punjabis dominated the military in Pakistan. The Muslim League decided to make Urdu the sole state language of Pakistan, although only 3 per cent of the population of Pakistan spoke Urdu and over 56 per cent spoke Bangla. Since Urdu was the language of the dominant class in Pakistan and hence the language of upper echelons of the Muslim League leadership, the ruling party decided that Urdu was to be the sole state language of Pakistan. The explanation provided by the Pakistani ruling elite was that, since Urdu had more similarity with Arabic and Persian, it was a more â€Å"Islamic† language and since Bangla was derived from pre-existing Indian languages, primarily Sanskrit, it was a â€Å"Hindu† language. The Pakistani ruling elite’s language proposal did not meet any organized and serious challenge in the Western wing because the languages of West Pakistanis had an affinity in nature, structure, and vocabulary with Urdu. However, for Bangalis, Urdu was an alien and unrelated language. Thus, the Bangali intelligentsia and political leadership proposed that both Urdu and Bangla be declared as the state languages. On March 11, 1948 a province-wide strike was held to protest the central government’s chauvinist policy of rejecting the language of the majority of the people as unfit to be a state language. Student demonstrations took place all across East Bengal. In his first trip to East Bengal on March 21, 1948 at Dhaka (then Dacca) the Governor-General â€Å"Quaid-I-Azam† (literally, the Great Leader) Jinnah declared (in English! ): â€Å"Let me make it clear to you that the State Language of Pakistan is going to be Urdu and no other language. Anyone who tries to mislead you is really the enemy of Pakistan†¦ so far as the State Language is concerned Pakistan’s language shall be Urdu. † The Bangalis did not accept Jinnah’s claim and continued their resistance to the imposition of Urdu language. Subsequent attempts by the Pakistani rulers to replace Bangla script, first with Arabic scripts, and later with Roman scripts, failed due to the public outcry and popular mobilization led by the students and the intellectuals, supported by the middle class and by some sections of the workers and the peasants. The protests on the language issue culminated on February 21, 1952, when police fired on a student demonstration and killed several students and bystanders. Politically, the killings led to the formation of the United Front. The killings also led to the emergence of a new literary and cultural tradition of protests and secularism among the Bangali bourgeoisie. The cultural tradition that arose was â€Å"sigh of oppressed† against Pakistani elite’s use of religious nationalism. We cannot underestimate the importance of this event in emergence of the Bangali nationalism. The Bangalis viewed the Pakistani elite’s attempt to impose Urdu as the state language as a design to prevent them from full participation in the state rule. Hence, the death of students while protesting the language policy became an event to rally public support for the Bangali cause. This day was, and still is, celebrated by Bangalis as Eukushey February (martyr’s day on February 21). Indeed, this event has become ingrained in the Bangali national political consciousness. Meanwhile, the economic colonization and the expropriation of wealth of East Bengal by the West Pakistani ruling elite had already begun. East Bengal was the world’s largest producer of raw jute (a fiber), which was Pakistan’s main foreign exchange earner. The foreign trade statistics in its first decade for Pakistan were as follows: Foreign Trade Figures (millions of rupees) 5 Year Period East Bengal West Pakistan Exports Imports Exports Imports 1947-52 4582 2129 3786 4769 1952-57 3969 2159 3440 5105 While East Bengal was earning a larger share of Pakistan’s exports, West Pakistan had the greater share in imports of consumer goods, industrial machineries, and raw materials. Thus, the embryonic nature of exploitative relation was formulated in early the days of Pakistan. The inter-wing trade policy was designed to allow the West Pakistani manufacturing sector to dispose its commodities in East Bengal at a price higher than world market. In spite of rhetoric of the â€Å"national unity,† the export earnings of East Bengal were being used to finance the development of Karachi, the major commercial city of West Pakistan, and the Punjab, the dominant province of West Pakistan. In financial year 1948-49, the allocation for provincial development expenditure was as the following table indicates: Province Amount Allocated (millions rps) East Bengal 40 Punjab 50 Sind 25 NWFP 5 As the above table shows, the Pakistani ruling elite was interested more in the development of provinces of West Pakistan, though the majority of the country’s population lived in East Bengal. Up to 1951, total expenditure on development projects of Pakistan was 1,126 million Rs. , out of which only 28 million was for East Bengal (1986, 20). The Pakistani ruling elite, instead of remedying inequities that existed between the development of productive forces of the two wings, chose an economic policy that benefited the interests of West Pakistan based manufacturing sector that sold its commodities in East Bengal. Later, I will examine the intensification of the economic exploitation of East Bengal during the era of the military regime. The growth of dissent in East Bengal An Analysis of the Bangali Quest for Autonomy in First Decade of Pakistani Rule On June 23, 1949 the Awami Muslim League was established. The Awami Muslim League was the first opposition party that came into being in Pakistan. The Awami League was led by Maulana Bhashani, a peasant and religious leader and by Suhrawardy, who at one point had advocated a United Bengal but also supported the Muslim League on some occasions. The membership of Awami Muslim League consisted of two elements. The first elements were those whose political ideology was not fundamentally different from the Muslim League, but who had concluded that the increasing discrimination against the Bangalis on racial and provincial basis would hinder their access to political power. The second elements were younger and more radical, whose political ideology was different from the Muslim League. They found little worthy of admiring in political ideology of the pan-Islamism and the spirit of â€Å"two-nation theory. â€Å" The Awami Muslim League was essentially a provincial party. The political agenda of Awami League emphasized grievances of Bangalis that had developed primarily due to failure of the Pakistani ruling elite to recognize Bangla as a state language. The Awami League called for such policies as (i) abolishing the British-instituted zamindari (landlord) system, (ii) nationalization of key industries, and (iii) utilization of the jute sector for the benefit of the people of the East Bengal. Even in its early days, the League began reflecting the interests of a considerable section of the Bangali urban bourgeoisie not only of the provincial capital Dhaka but also of the district towns. The League, in October 1955, dropped â€Å"Muslim† from its nomenclature in order to attract non-Muslims into its fold. The Basic Principle Committee (BPC) of the National Constitutional Assembly published its report in February, 1950. It called for the reorganization of Pakistan’s provinces into two units: West Pakistan and East Pakistan. The legislature was to have two houses. In the upper house there would be equal numbers of members from the two constituting units, while the lower house would be elected on the basis of population. Initially, it did not specify the number of seats in the houses. Later, the proposed distribution of seats were as follows: Province Upper House Lower House Total East Bengal 10 165 175 Punjab 10 75 85 NWFP 10 24 34 Sind 10 20 30 Baluchistan 10 16 26 Total 50 300 350 The upper house was to be indirectly elected. The governmental mechanism would be a combination of presidential and parliamentary systems, with a substantial executive power and the choice of selecting the Prime Minister being retained with the President. The BPC called for declaring Urdu as the state language. The Bangali political leadership was outraged at the proposals of the BPC, particularly the language issue. The Bangalis viewed the proposals as a scheme to perpetuate West Pakistani, or rather Punjabi, political hegemony over the central government. The proposals evoked indignation among Bangalis because their numerical strength would be reduced in a joint session of legislature, which was to settle any disputes. Moreover, the scope of arbitrary use of autocratic power by the President could enable the Pakistani ruling class to secure support for itself and counter any Bangali schemes for changing the status quo. For Bangali bourgeoisie it was clear that the BPC proposals would further reduce their already limited role in the state. The anti-BPC political maneuvers of Bangali politicians led to the Grand National Convention (GNC). Although some West Pakistani opposition leaders participated, the GNC was primarily an initiative of Bangali bourgeois leadership. According to the GNC proposals, the power of the central government would be limited to foreign policy and defense. The proposals at the GNC called for a unicameral legislature, with seats being distributed among the provinces on the basis of population. The GNC also proposed that the federal capital be established in Islamabad (West Pakistan) and every other session of the federal parliament be held in Dhaka (East Bengal). These proposals reflected the popular Bangali demand that both Bangla and Urdu should be the state languages of Pakistan. In essence, the GNC proposals were an attempts to ensure the political participation of the Bangalis in the state’s decision making process. The counter-proposals assume that the national interests of the Bangalis could be safeguarded if the Bangalis were able to exercise their due political rights within the framework of a bourgeois democratic polity. Another response to West Pakistani dominance of the national political scene was the formation of the Youth League in February 1951. Its formation was inspired by the â€Å"Rajshahi jail thesis. † It acted as a counter to state-sponsored ideology of pan-Islamism. They felt that if the central government were to grant East Bengal autonomy, the province would be better off. Since the Youth League had a substantial number of young radicals, the thrust of its propaganda was to show that the Pakistani elite was exploiting East Bengal. For example, in its manifesto, the League pointed out, quoting Pakistani government statistics, that the Consumer Product Index (CPI) had gone up from 100 in 1939 (base year) to 174 in 1948 and 214 in 1949. Also, the Youth League stressed the secular aspects of Bangali culture, such as the Phaila Baishak (Bangali New Year), and Rabindranath Tagore’s birthday. In addition,it called for an end to all forms of regionalism and communal discrimination. Another reaction to the domination of political power by the West Pakistani ruling elite was the establishment of the United Front, an alliance of political parties. It was composed of the Awami League, Krishak Sramik Party, Ganatantric Dal and other small parties. Its political platform for the election was based on a 21-point agenda, which emphasized declaring Bangla as one of the state languages of Pakistan. The 21-point demands also included plans for abolishing the land-holding system, ending high interest on agricultural credit extended to farmers by the rural moneyed class, nationalizing the jute industry, providing fair prices to jute cultivators, and implementing cooperative farming. The United Front’s program also demanded that the relation between East Bengal and West Pakistan be restructured on the basis of full regional autonomy; the program identified three subjects for the central government, namely, defense, foreign affairs, and currency. As confidence building measures, the United Front’s program suggested that Pakistan’s Naval Head Quarters be relocated to East Bengal and that an arms manufacturing factory be built in East Bengal. The provincial election of East Bengal in March 1954 was a big shock for the Pakistani ruling elite. Basing its campaign on these demands, the United Front won 227 out of 236 of Muslim seats. Even the Communists won 5 seats. The Muslim League, which was the ruling party, won only 10 seats out of 309. This landslide victory revealed how estranged the Bangali masses were because of the failure of the Muslim League to deliver on the promises made during the campaign for Pakistan. The Muslim League, the party of the elite that came to power in Pakistan, promised that once the state of Pakistan came into being, Bangalis would be liberated from foreign exploitation and that national policy would be geared towards their benefit. The United Front’s campaign had succeeded because it raised the slogan of the Bangalis’ grievances against the central government’s discrimination. On May 30, 1954 the United Front government was dismissed by the central government. The Prime Minister Mohammed Ali explained: â€Å"Our sole aim in taking over the administration of the province is to save East Bengal and preserve the integrity of Pakistan. † In order to â€Å"save† East Bengal, Major-General Iskander Mirza was appointed the Governor by the central government. After a year of political intrigue and bargaining, the provincial assembly was restored and the Governor’s rule ended. By then, a section of the United Front had broken with the Awami League in order to form a ministry in the provincial government. The crisis of Pakistani ruling class in the 1950s An Analysis of the Constitutional Crisis and Political Instability In October 1954, the conflicts between the Governor-General and the Constituent Assembly led the Governor-General to dismiss the Constituent Assembly and proclaim a state of Emergency. The dissolution of the Constituent Assembly led to a further increase of the bureaucratic power over the state of Pakistan. Earlier, the Governor-General Ghulam Mohammed dismissed Khwaja Nazimuddin and appointed Mohammed Ali Bogra as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Despite the directive of the Awami League, Suhrawardy joined Bogra’s cabinet as the law minister. Though he himself had been an ardent exponent of provincial autonomy, Suhrawardy supported the One Unit scheme. The One Unit scheme was forced upon the Provincial Assemblies, which elected the Second Constituent Assembly. On March 23, 1956 Pakistan become a republic with Iskander Mirza as its first President. The creation of the republic did not, however, enable the Pakistani ruling-class either to resolve the â€Å"national question† vis-a-vis the Bangalis (as well other nationalities) or to establish political stability by the formation of a secure ruling-class political party. The first republic lasted only till October 1958. Within this brief period, there were four Prime Minister of Pakistan. During that period, the provincial politics in East Bengal was reduced to a farce, with provincial governments changing off and on. The political formation was made of rapidly changing allegiance at the center of the Muslim League and the Republican Party, and at East Bengal provincial level of the Awami League and the Krishak Sramik Party. In East Bengal, the AL and the KSP battled for governmental positions. The regular shifts of the allegiance of the members of the legislature were promoted because the country’s bourgeois leadership was corrupt and its political leaders desired to promote personal gains. On September 11, 1956 Suhrawardy formed a coalition government that included the Awami League. On becoming the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Suhrawardy declared that East Bengal has been granted 98 per cent autonomy. However, nothing substantial was done to alter the actual condition of East Bengal. The lack of initiative of their politicians to change the socioeconomic conditions of East Bengal was regarded by the Bangali bourgeoisie as a betrayal of the Bangali cause. Within the Awami League, the central government’s failure to guarantee East Bengal’s regional interests led to the formation of factions, one led by Suhrawardy and the other led by Bhashani. Suhrawardy supported the design of Pakistan’s elite in joining the US-sponsored military pacts. The differences within the Awami League surfaced at the Kagmari conference of the party because the Leftist formation within the Awami League refused to accept Suhrawardy’s compromises with the Pakistani ruling elite. Bhashani’s rhetoric led him to declare that, unless complete autonomy were granted to East Bengal, then Assalumu Alakikum (Farewell) to Pakistan. Meanwhile, the politics of intrigue at the central government continued; Suhrawardy was forced to resign. A general election was scheduled for 1959. This election was never to be held. With the proclamation of Martial Law on October 7, 1958, President Mirza abrogated the constitution, dismissed the central and the provincial governments, and banned all political parties. The imposition of martial law abolished what little prospect there was to the establishment a viable bourgeois democratic process in Pakistan. The military stepped into the power because the civilian faction of the ruling-class had been unable to set a political structure that would contain the â€Å"national question. The junta used the disparity between East Bengal and West Pakistan, and the instability of the political process to justify its taking over the power. In its first decade of rule, the Pakistani ruling elite would dismiss the grievances of the Bangali national bourgeoisie as a plot to undermine the unity of the â€Å"Muslim† state. The ruling elite would charge and accuse that the Bangalis’ c all for the decentralization of state power and even their call for the secularization of the state, as being inspired by secessionist elements, foreign agents, or India, the â€Å"natural† enemy of Pakistan. Ethnic and racial discriminations against the Bangalis went along with the limitation of the political rights of the Bangalis. The imposition of martial law served to reduce the numerical strength of the Bangalis that they could use even if an underdeveloped bourgeois democracy were to emerge in Pakistan. For the Bangali bourgeoisie, the failure of civilian rule and subsequent military takeover further limited its role and scope in the political arena because the military was predominantly West Pakistani. From the perspective of the Bangali bourgeoisie, the military intervention was an attempt to ensure the West Pakistani dominated military’s role in the state structure, particularly because the scheduled general elections would have allowed the Bangalis to exercise their numerical strength to gain political power. Due to the establishment of barricades that prevented their participation, the Bangali bourgeoisie become disillusioned with the concept of the Islamic state of Pakistan. Their struggle for autonomy intensified as a result of the failure of the newly emergent state of Pakistan to deliver the Bangali bourgeoisie a fair share of power and privileges. The Ayub Khan regime An Analysis of Pakistani Military Dictatorship and the Bangalis The proclamation of martial law led to the dismissal of President Iskander Mirza, when General Ayub Khan took over power and proclaimed himself President of the Republic on October 27, 1958. The military regime justified its actions by claiming that the country was headed towards â€Å"national disintegration. The imposition of martial law brought the military faction, which had already a power-base within the West Pakistani dominated system, into the forefront of state rule. The Ayub regime promised a â€Å"growth-oriented economy† and political stability. An important aspect of the ideology of the Pakistani state during this period was the slogan of â€Å"national unity. † Following the political agitation and reaction of the Bangalis in the 1950’s, the Pakistani ruling elite had become attentive to the regional disparity and the Bangalis’ dissatisfaction with the status quo. In spite of the Pakistani elite’s acknowledgment of the existence of disparity, the growth of imbalance and disparity between the wings continued. In effect, although the ruling elite acknowledged the existence of disparity between the two wings, it did nothing substantial to remedy the situation. As the state was the major promoter of economic growth and initiative, the bias in economic development and growth remained in favor of West Pakistan. Due to the relative weakness of Bangali bourgeoisie, the position of the Bangalis deteriorated not only within the Pakistani ruling elite but in comparison with the West Pakistanis too. After the partition of the subcontinent, the emergence of state-sponsored capitalism in East Bengal was hampered mainly because its jute-producing areas became de-linked from the jute-processing mills of Calcutta in West Bengal. This allowed the penetration of West Pakistani industrial and merchant capital into East Bengal. The change in government did nothing to alter the bias and the racist attitude towards the Bangalis. President of the republic Ayub Khan himself expressed his opinion as follows: they [the Bangalis] have all the inhibitions of down-trodden races and have not yet found it possible to adjust psychologically to the requirements of the new born freedom. Their popular complexes, exclusiveness, suspicion and a sort of defensive aggressiveness probably emerge from†¦ historical background. † The dictator’s musing on the Bangalis reflected the popular stereotype of the Bangalis held by the West Pakistani ruling elite. Such racist conceptualization was a p rerequisite for the ruling elite to culturally oppress the Bangalis. With the promulgation of the â€Å"Basic Democratic† system, the military regime believed it could legitimize its rule. Under the â€Å"Basic Democracy† system, the National Assembly was elected by an equal number of 40,000 â€Å"Basic Democrats† both in East Bengal and in West Pakistan. The â€Å"Basic Democrats† were linked in a series of tiered-system that also elected the President. (Needless to say, there was not anything remotely democratic in the â€Å"Basic Democrats† scheme. ) The regime claimed that the British model of bourgeois democracy was unsuitable for an underdeveloped state like Pakistan. However, the â€Å"Basic Democracy† formula was unable to obstruct the development of Bangali nationalism. On June 8, 1962 the military regime lifted martial law after the election of the National Assembly. In effect, the country came under the rule of the â€Å"Basic Democrat† system, which served the Ayub Khan dictatorship. This Constitution was opposed not only by the Bangali bourgeoisie but also by the West Pakistani political opposition. The opposition at the national level formed the Combined Opposition Party (COP). In September 1964, the COP nominated Fatima Jinnah, the sister of M. A. Jinnah, as its candidate for Presidential elections. In the Presidential election, although Fatima Jinnah lost, she did much better in East Bengal, where she received 46. 6 per cent of the votes cast compared to 36. 36 per cent in her favor nation-wide. Her widespread support in East Bengal revealed the Bangali dissatisfaction with the Ayub Khan’s administration. During Ayub Khan’s rule, the Bangali intellectuals and the bourgeoisie became more and more vocal against the economic exploitation. The Bangali intellectuals made 3 arguments: one, East Bengal had been turned into a market to dump West Pakistani products; two, the foreign trade policy was biased in favor of West Pakistani interests; and three, the ruling elite allocated and distributed resources in favor of West Pakistan. The examination of the political economy of Pakistan reveals the exploitation of East Bengal by West Pakistan. The Awami League, which was championing the quest for autonomy, formulated a 6-point agenda that was accepted as its program. The program called for (i) a Federation based on the Lahore Resolution, (ii) central government dealt only with defense and foreign affairs, (iii) either two separate currencies for the two wings or same currency for both wings with provision that flight of capital is prevented and each wing maintain separate revenue accounts, (iv) the units be given the authority to levy taxes and to collect revenue, (v) separate foreign exchange accounts for both the wings, and (vi) setting up a para-military force for East Bengal. Mujibur Rahman presented this program as the magna carta of ending economic and socio-political exploitation. Mujibur Rahman was elected the President of the Awami League and launched a mass campaign in East Bengal to achieve the demands. The military regime took a attitude of confrontation and placed Mujib under detention. The Ayub Khan regime tried to ruin the credibility of Mujibur Rahman and his program by charging that he was involved in a conspiracy along with some junior Bangali military officials to secede from Pakistan and create an independent state in East Bengal with Indian aid. This case came to be known as the â€Å"Agartala Conspiracy Case. † The Bangalis protested against the fabrication of this case and demanded the unconditional release of Mujib. Mujib used his defense arguments in this case as an instrument to put forward his political program. Since the Bangalis did not believe in the claims of the government, the case cemented the cause of Bangali nationalism with Mujib’s 6-point program. Mujib’s popularity rose due to the charges levied against him; he became a national hero. The charges against Mujib led to a mass uprising in Bengal. President Ayub was forced to drop the case against Mujib. In order to resolve the crisis, the regime invited the Awami League to participate in the Round Table Conference (RTC) to discuss the political structure of the state and to set the ground work for resolving the national problems. The negotiations with the political parties did not succeed. The masses continued the demonstrations in the streets for a democratic political order and economic justice. The government was unable to end the thrust of popular politics and mass action. Ayub Khan was forced to resign. On March 25, 1969 he handed over power to the military chief Yayha Khan, allegedly on the grounds that only the military could preserve the state structure. During Ayub Khan’s rule, a centralized political system was established. This system could not channel the aspirations of the Bangali bourgeoisie. It did not provide a mechanism for the Bangali bourgeoisie to enhance its role in the the state’s decision making process. The centralized political system aggravated the call for provincial autonomy. Due to the failure of the Pakistani military-bureacratic elite to accommodate the demands for provincial autonomy for East Bengal, Bangali nationalist politics became more militant. Although there was an increase in national output and industrial production, the economic disparity between the regions did not diminish but rather increased. With the military in power the prospect of resolving the â€Å"national question† in Pakistan was effectively blocked because the state lacked a democratic mechanism that could execute changes in national institutions and policy. The Marginalization of the Bangalis under Pakistani Rule From 1947 to 1971, when East Bengal was a part of Pakistan, the Bangali bourgeoisie was the smaller shareholder of the Pakistani ruling structure. Its role was much weaker than the West Pakistani sections of the industrial, mercantile, military, and civilian bourgeoisie. As a result, East Bengal was exploited and colonized by the dominant elite of Pakistan. From the birth of the state, the Bangalis were subject to economic injustice and marginalization. The people’s frustration was expressed in their political struggle for ending military rule and for establishing a democratic order in the state. The Bangali bourgeois political leadership believed that a representative political structure would allow their economic, social, and political rights to be established. However, because of the structure of power in Pakistan, the plight of the Bangalis worsened. An examination of the economic situation of Pakistan during the period reveals this economic marginalization. The Bangalis as a nationality were not adequately represented in the civilian administration and military high command of the state. These posts were predominantly held by West Pakistanis. The following tables reveal the distribution of civilian and military posts on the basis of nationalities. Central Government Civil Service (1955) Position East Bengal West Pakistan Secretary 0 19 Joint Secretary 3 38 Deputy Secretary 10 123 Asistant Secretary 38 510 Source: Dawn, Karachi (1955) The lack of Bangali bourgeoisie representation in the central government allowed the center to direct its policy in favor of West Pakistan. The central government’s outlay for national development clearly demonstrates the bias inherent towards West Pakistan. The following table provides a breakdown of the development expenditure of the two wings. Development Outlay for Pakistan from 1947-48 to 1960-61 Category East Bengal West Pakistan In millions of Rupees Government Investment 1720 4300 Government Loans 184 2240 Aid 76 1010 The center’s development expenditure was concentrated on the further advancing of economic infrastructure of West Pakistan. For example, although water resource management for East Bengal was no less important than for West Pakistan, the central government attached more importance to the Indus Basin Accord with India rather than the question of Farraka dam barrage. The funding of Indus Basin water project came from the center’s allocation, not West Pakistan’s allocation. Thus, the Bangalis saw that while West Pakistani’s water resources were considered to be the center’s priorities, their water problems were being ignored. The disparity between the per capita income of the people of the two wings continued to increase. The table below demonstrates the increase in the disparity of Per Capita Income between the two wings: The Per Capita Income Distribution in Pakistan (In M Rupees) Year East Bengal West Pakistan Difference 1959-60 269 355 32% 1964-65 285. 5 419 46. % 1968-69 291 473. 4 62. 6% In terms of per capita income while the condition of the masses in West Pakistan was improving, the Bangalis found that the per capita income difference with their Western counterparts was actually increasing. The foreign trade statistics reveal that in the years 1947-67 of unified Pakistan, East Bengal was the major foreign excha nge earner while West Pakistan was in foreign trade debt. The table below shows: Foreign Trade Figures 1947-67 (In M Rupees) Position East Bengal West Pakistan Exports 20,982,391 15,704,714 Imports 15,183,796 34,388,211 Balance 5,798,595 -18,683,497 Source: Central Statistical Office (1967). As the table shows, East Bengal exported 57 per cent of Pakistan’s total exports but had only 30 per cent share of the total imports, while West Pakistan exported only 42 per cent of the total exports but its share of total imports was 70 per cent. Whereas East Bengal was a net exporter, West Pakistan was a net importer. The Western wing of the state had a greater share of Pakistan’s imports and used the foreign exchange earned by East Pakistan for its own benefit. Defense outlay for Pakistan was extremely high. From 1950-51 to 1968-69 the defense outlay was Rs. 1,178. 1 million. This constituted approximately 56 per cent of the total government outlay of that period. The anti-Indian rhetoric was used to boost defense expenditure. By levying taxes in East Bengal and spending it on West Pakistan the West Pakistani bourgeoisie benefited from the high defense outlay. The defense expenditure, which was in the forms of wages, contra cts, and investments, was primarily in West Pakistan. The apparent rationale for the concentration of military build-up was based upon the claim of the West Pakistani dominated military that â€Å"the security of East Bengal lay in the Western wing. The Pakistani military claimed that it would preserve the security of East Bengal with a pre-emptive strike from the Western Wing. During the 1965 Indo-Pakistan War over the Kashmir issue, East Bengal was left defenseless and vulnerable to Indian aggression. The view that that East Bengal security lay in West Pakistann no longer appealed to the Bangalis because the war cut-off East Bengal from West Pakistan and the rest of the world. Thus, the Bangalis learnt that in spite of their contribution to the expensive defense outlay, the central government did not attach much importance to East Bengal’s security. Their tax contribution towards defense has been diverted solely for the benefit of West Pakistan, not for their security. In essence, as the above arguments show, the fundamental nature of relation between East Bengal and West Pakistan from 1947 to 1971 was one of economic disparity. Because the Bangalis and the West Pakistani ruling elite could not reach a political settlement, this economic question became the main issue of their conflict. The nature of the economic development of Pakistan in 1950’s and 1960’s show that the disparity between the two wings became greater due to the economic policies adopted by the state. The Awami League used the regional economic disparity of East Bengal to show the need for its political program. The 6-point program of the Awami League was designed to address the Bangali nationalist consciousness regarding the increase of disparity. The Awami League presented its 6-point program as an instrument to end the economic exploitation of East Bengal. Bangali nationalism grew because the Pakistani ruling elite refused to recognize the demands of the Bangalis for political participation in the state and for the economic self-rule of East Bengal. The crisis climaxed following the 1970 elections, when the Awami League won a truimphant electoral victory because the party reflected the nationalist inspiration of the Bangalis. The failure of the Pakistani ruling elite to meet the demands of the Awami League program led to a political deadlock. The military refused to accept the 6-point program because it would reduce the military budget and dismantle the West Pakistani business interests in East Bengal. In order to prevent the Bangali political leadership from acquiring power, the military junta colluded with the West Pakistani bourgeoisie to crush Bangali nationalism. The military’s massacre of the Bangalis opened the road to the liberation of East Bengal. The Yayha Khan Regime The Yayha Khan regime did not have a strong base because it came to power following the mass agitation against the Ayub Khan regime. The crisis of Ayub Khan’s dictatorial rule led to the resumption of power by the military. The new regime tried to dispel any notion that it had a long-term objective of remaining in power by positing itself as an intermediary and transitional authority. The regime announced that it wanted to transfer power to the people’s representative and admitted that East Bengal had been denied a full share in the decision-making process. The regime dissolved the One Unit Scheme, and it promised that elections would be held on the basis of poular franchaise. In order to provide a legal facade, the regime promulgated a â€Å"Legal Framework Order† (LFO) for the purpose of Pakistan’s first general elections. According to the Legal Framework Order, the seats of the National Assembly, which was to frame the Constitution, would be distributed in conformity with the population of the provinces. The distribution of the seats was as follows: PROVINCES Seats East Bengal 169 The Punjab 85 Sind 28 Baluchistan 5 NWFP 19 Tribal Areas 7 Total 313 In spite of some objections to the structure and the mechanism of the proposed transition to democratic rule, the Awami League decided to participate in the elections. The leaders of the Awami League described the forthcoming elections as a â€Å"a referendum on the autonomy issue. † The Awami League argued that, if elected, they would implement the 6-point agenda and, thus, establish the due rights of the Bangalis. The nationalistic Awami League campaign reflected the mood of the Bangalis who had been long neglected in the political rule of Pakistan. The long campaign period allowed the Awami League to explain the pauperization of East Bengal in terms of the exploitative relation that existed between the two wings. The Bangali bourgeoisie saw this election as an opportunity to exercise the Bangali electoral strength to gain power and reverse their conditions. A Bangali journal captured the tone of the bourgeois intellectuals: â€Å"In East Pakistan, for the first time the grip of the power elite stands to be broken. Their first defeat will demoralize them as much as it will inspire the people of West Pakistan. † Such analysis assumed that the Bangalis’ struggle for autonomy would spontaneously transform to a common and united struggle of all the nationalities against the Pakistani ruling elite. However, Pakistan did not have a single transnational political organization that could unite the marginalized sections of Pakistani society. Hence, the other nationalities did not join the Bangali struggle. In November 1970, a devastating cyclone struck the coastal areas of East Bengal, killing thousands of people. However, the central government failed to aid the cyclone-strieken people. The government was severely criticized for treating the Bangalis in a callous manner. Mujib and other Awami League leaders toured the ravaged areas, including the off-shore islands. The political leadership urged the people to use the ballot-box to express their indignation at the treatment they received from the central government. In the election that followed, the Awami League won a triumphant victory. At the East Bengal Assembly elections, the results were as follows: Parties Seats Awami League 298 Other Parties 5 Independents 7 TOTAL 310 At the National Assembly elections, the Awami emerged as the majority party, as the table shows: Parties Seats Awami League 167 Pakistan People’s Party 88 Other Parties 44 Independents 14 TOTAL 313 The military, bureaucracy, and business, all West Pakistani-dominated, were shocked at the results because they faced the prospect that the central government’s power would be passed away to the Bangalis, if the Awami League were allowed to shape the constitution and form a government. The results of the election gave the Awami League the possibility of framing the constitution according to its 6-point program. The election put the Pakistani ruling elite in such a position that, if it allowed the democratic process to continue, then it would be unable to stop the Awami League from framing a constitution that would protect the Bangali interests. In West Pakistan, the Pakistan People’s Party, led by Z. A. Bhutto, emerged as the dominant party. Representing the interests of the West Pakistani bourgeoisie, Bhutto announced that the PPP would not allow any constitution to be framed without its consent and participation. The PPP declared that it would refuse to participate in any National Assembly session, as it was not â€Å"prepared to occupy Opposition benches. † Clearly, Bhutto was not only bargaining for personal position but also preserving West Pakistani hegemony. In this situation, tri-party negotiations and talks began among the Yayha regime, Mujib’s Awami League, and Bhutto’s PPP. The Yayha regime declared that the National Assembly session would be held on March 3, 1971. During the negotiations, the West Pakistani forces refused to accept the 6-point program. Bhutto colluded with the West Pakistani bourgeoisie and denounced the 6-point program as a secession plan. Although the West Pakistani military regime announced that the National Assembly would hold its session on March 3, 1971, the PPP decided to boycott the session. Bhutto threatened that the Assembly would be turned into a â€Å"slaughter house† if its memebrs endorsed a constitution based on the Awami League’s program. While the negotiations with the Awami League were proceeding, the military had decided to attack the Bangalis in order to crush their demands. The central government transferred army divisions from West Pakistan to East Bengal as part of its preparations. Yayha Khan dissolved the civilian cabinet and appointed a military cabinet. The military designed a plan titled â€Å"Operation Searchlight† with the objectives: one, treating the Awami League activities as rebellious; two, arresting the maximum number of political and student leaders and intellectuals; and three, demilitarizing the Bangali troops. The military regime continued the dialogue with Mujib in order to have the time to dispatch more troops into East Bengal. Although the Awami League was aware of the troop build-up, it continued the dialogue with the military. Its leadership did not predict that the military will strike the populace. The Awami League demanded the withdrawal of the troops and transfer of power to the elected representatives. During this period, there were clashes between the Bangalis and the military stationed in East Bengal, resulting in deaths of many civilians. The radicals within the Awami League and the student organizations called upon the Awami League leadership to declare independence. On March 7, 1971 Sheik Mujib, in an articulate and carefully phrased speech, asked the Bangalis to prepare for a resistance to the regime but stopped just short of declaring independence. The Awami League set up a non-violent and non-cooperation movement, which proved quite successful. The program adopted measures such as (i) refusal to pay tax, (ii) stoppage of the flight of capital from East wing to the West wing, (iii) observation of hartals (strikes), (iv) hoisting of black flags, (v) access to state-controlled media for the opposition, and (vi) setting up council of action under Awami League leadership. The directives of the Awami League were extremely successful, and the administrative control of East Bengal effectively passed from the Pakistani authorities to the Awami League. While the military prepared to strike the Bangalis, Yayha Khan flew to Dhaka on March 15, 1971 and gave the impression of renewing the negotiations with the Awami League. Bhutto also participated in the negotiations. The National Assembly session was put off again until March 25. During the talks the Awami League refused to compromise because its electoral victory was based on the support for the autonomy of East Bengal. The Awami League leaders still thought that negotiations with the military junta could be fruitful. It believed that it could obtain concessions from the military regime and from Bhutto’s Pakistan’s Peoples Party. The Awami League was not prepared for an armed showdown with the Pakistani military. The military dictator and the central government officials left Dhaka without prior notice. Immediately, at 11:00 p. m. on March 25, 1971, troop movements started. In Dhaka and elsewhere in East Bengal, the Pakistan army began an orgy of killings, rape, violence, and looting. Mujib declared Independence before he was arrested by the military. Other political leaders of the Awami League managed to escape to India, where they set up a provisonal government and organized the armed resistance to the Pakistani army. The Bangali troops, although Pakistani authorities ordered to disarm, resisted the Pakistan army and fought back. Thus, the Bangali National Liberation began its phase of armed struggle. The Birth of Bangladesh After winning the 1970 elections, the Awami League was not in a position to compromise its political program without being regarded as a traitor to the Bangali cause. Since the Awami League did not compromise, the negotiations with the regime broke down although the talks produced a semblance of agreement. As planned, the Pakistani army launched an attack on the Bangalis without warning, with a view to weaken and demolish Bangali nationalism. The military arrested Sheik Mujib, the leader of the Awami League. He had earlier sent a message declaring independence. The military launched a systematic attack on the Bangali people. The military shelled the Dhaka University, killing the university teachers and students; the soldiers broke into women’s dormitories and raped the women. They buried the dead in mass graves that were bull-dozed over by the tanks. The military used artillery and heavy machine gun fire to crush the Bangali civilians, the local police, and the Bangali troops. The military set up strongholds in Dhaka and in other parts of East Bengal. The Pakistani soldiers set ablaze working class parts of the shanty towns, markets, houses of political workers, and newspaper offices; and they shot civilians indiscriminantly. The military specially targeted the Hindu minority in East Bengal because they blamed â€Å"Hindu† India and the Hindu community in East Bengal as the master-mind behind Bangali secession plans. The Bangalis tried their best to escape the wrath of the Pakistan army. The crackdown was intended to demolish Bangali nationalism by inflicting cruelty and to prevent the Bangalis from exercising their right to self-determination. A Pakistani officer rationalized the military action thus: â€Å"We will kill them [Bangalis]—they have spoken enough—they are traitors, and we are not. We are fighting in the name of God and a united Pakistan. â€Å" After the first morning of military attack on the Bangalis, the leader of West Pakistan’s dominant party, Bhutto, was flown to West Pakistan, where he declared: â€Å"Pakistan has been saved by the grace of the Almighty. † The military attack on the Bangalis transformed the movement for attaining political self-rule into a national struggle of the Bangalis, irrespective of their political affiliation, religious preference, or class background. For the Bangalis, the military attack on the unarmed civilians proved that the West Pakistani ruling elite and the Pakistani army would not seek a negotiated settlement with the Bangali political leadership. The military attack upon the Bangalis was a campaign to destroy what the Bangalis were poised to achieve if the constitutional process were allowed to function. The Bangalis resisted the military action spontaneously with primitive arms, by building barricades, and by creating obstacles. In some places, particularly in the rural areas, where the military could not reach immediately, the public under the action committees set up by the Awami League proclaimed the formation of liberated zones. Bangali troops rebelled against the Pakistani army. Widely supported by the populace, the Bangali troops resisted, fought the Pakistan army, and initiated the liberation struggle. Some of the Awami League leaders had gone underground and escaped to India. Major Ziaur Rahman and some Bangali employees of the state Radio escaped and set up a clandestine radio station, in which Major Zia on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman urged the Bangalis to resist Pakistani rule and repression. Meanwhile, the elected Bangali members of the National Assembly and the Provincial Assembly gathered in a liberated zone of East Bengal and proclaimed independence of the state of Bangladesh from Pakistan. The Awami League was able to retain control of the main thrust of the movement for the national liberation of Bangladesh. The Awami League established a interim government led by Tajuddin. Tajuddin was extremely efficient and successful in the management of the government in exile. The Bangladesh government in exile established contact with the Indian authorities. The Awami League established guerrilla training camps and retained control over the guerrilla movement. The Bangladesh government-in-exile launched an international campaign using non-resident Bangalis abroad as the spokespersons for the Bangali cause. Several Bangalis in the Pakistani civil and diplomatic services defected in favor of the government of Bangladesh. The government-in-exile was able to build a reliable bureaucratic machinery in Calcutta, which functioned well for a government outside the parameters of the state. The Awami League was able to convince the Indian authorities of the need to support the struggle for the national liberation of Bangladesh. The profound international sympathy for the Bangalis was a result of the massacre of the Bangalis and the influx into India of 10 million refugees who escaped from the Pakistani army brutality. In West Bengal, the Indian Bangalis were extremely generous although they themselves possessed few resources. The Bangalis received substantial support from the Indian authorities in the form of guerrilla training, facilities, arms and ammunition to fight the military regime. The dynamics of the international situation altered with the signing of the Indo-Soviet treaty, which guaranteed the security of India. The government of India recognized Bangladesh on December 6, 1971. With Indians allying with Bangalis in the National Liberation of Bangladesh, the joint forces of Bangladesh and India was able to overcome the Pakistani army easily. The Bangali guerrillas had penetrated into East Bengal and had expert knowledge of the terrain and the activities of the Pakistan army. The Indian forces possessed superior fire-power and better troops. The Indians cutoff the air links between East Bengal and West Pakistan. The Pakistan army could not receive new supplies or further troop support. With the introduction of Indian forces, the Pakistan army was being defeated in all the battles. Realizing the possibility of total annihilation, the Pakistan army surrendered to the joint command of Bangladesh and Indian forces on December 16, 1971. With the unconditional surrender of the Pakistani army, Bangladesh was finally liberated. The National Liberation of Bangladesh was the result of the transformation of the political struggle of the Bangali bourgeoisie to attain power into the nat How to cite Independence Day of Bangladesh, Essay examples

Business Statistics Computer Support Management

Question: Discuss about the Business Statistics for Computer Support Management. Answer: Introduction: Name of the Organization: Gold Valley Restaurant, a popular restaurant chain which has its supply chains on the road sides beside the highways and generates estimated revenue of around 7 figures daily overall. Communication Method: We were present as a family while driving back home. The Problem: So, it was the first week of July in 2007. My cousin brother was leaving for the United States for his further studies. So, the seven of us that is me, my parents, my brother, my uncle, aunt and my cousin sister went to see him off at the airport. As it was late in the evening while returning on a car, we considered stopping at a popular restaurant which was beside the country side highway for dinner. The restaurant apparently was relatively empty. Like any other customer, we ordered some food at the family restaurant. As we waited a group of four young men walked in and past us. As they walked past us, we could smell an intoxicated smell, which must have come from the recent drink they had before coming over to the restaurant. We had no problems with that initially. A few minutes later, as we were waiting for the food to be served the first tantrum was thrown with one of the four youth shouting out a loud abuse in a not-so-polite manner. As time passed by, the words fro m the group were becoming more and more hostile. Initially, we approached a waiter asking him to ask the group to behave a little bit politely given it was a family restaurant. The waiter promised he was going to talk to the manager about it. After probably overhearing our conversation as the waiter went by, one of the members of the group passed a very sly comment which was inappropriate to pass with my cousin sister being there, being a bit sexually offensive. The manager called my father in a distant way and I tagged along, only for him to explain that he was helpless in that situation since the youths were the confidantes of some local politician. He explained to us how even their chain might face difficulties in the region if he spoke against the youth and the police in the region could do less. With an ironic tongue, the manager said all we could do is absorb the situation for the moment. My uncle, being a soft person decided to keep things quite. Smelling something amiss, one of the group members in a black t-shirt with a tattoo on his forearm approached the manager and asked rudely what the problem was. The manager blurted out in fear probably which further lead to a heated exchange of words with abuses flying between us and then. We decided to leave the restaurant but the manager turned against us suddenly and asked for a percentage of the payment since the food was already in process of being cooked. We refused to pay since it was their problem of poor-handedness of the situation. It led to a brawl between us and the manager and some waiters tagging in. Ultimately with families and feminine presence we decided to pay a certain percentage of the amount and decided to move on and get the wheels on the roads again. Resolution: The matter is a clear example of ineffectiveness and under-handedness of the manager or a particular organization. It clearly ensures that the customers are helpless when it comes to the point of some innocent customers against some localized sleuths with powers from rogue politicians backing. Understanding the situation, we understand the manager was relatively taking care of his own situation rather than being professional and going about his job for the fair treatment of the customers (Brown, 2003). Family restaurants should keep an eye out for locations and ensure fair treatment to its customers. They could keep a check on the type of youth visiting the restaurant and be aware of people in an inebriated state (Byrd Megginson, 2013). To add to the apathy the manager was shameless enough to ask from us, a certain percentage of the food despite the obvious unpleasant experience to the customers involved. A few months later, a neighbor in our locality complained of the s ame problem while they were on their way home and had more or less the same experience. The police act as a force to protect civilians and should not just weigh in on the powers of some sleuths who add fuel to power to rogue politicians. This could have been two females instead of us at the restaurant who might be coming back home from a situation and there is no one to ensure their security (Hepozden, 2011). This is a clear example of mismanagement which goes uncontrolled and the roots of the problem go as high as the powers of the people we elect to stand as our representatives. It is unfair to blame the manager alone in such situations as he is just a daily earner just like any of us common middle-class individuals. There is a problem with the system which needs to be addressed lest innocent people fall prey to power. On 6th July evening, a customer had come for dinner late evening. However, they complained of facing uneasy conditions due to the presence of some other customers who were in intoxicated state and their behavior. The customer(s) had to leave eventually since we were helpless then as the other customers had the powers from a local powerful politician where action against them could lead to sabotage of working of our working. We request you to pay heed and bring a quick solution because such consistent occurrences might lead to smearing the goodwill of our esteemed company. The possible solutions to improve or solve the customers problem: Entry of people or access to the restaurant should go checked. No youth who are in an inebriated state should be allowed to enter the restaurant which is a common hub for families (Tilton, A. 2010). The youth should be barred by security from creating any nuisance or any ill behavior towards fellow customers at the place ruthlessly. The manager should aim at fair appeasement to the customers rather than giving in to the demands and demeanors of the local sleuths of the regional power-holders. Customers shouldnt, however, face the problem of pay if they are dealt with such an uneasy condition (Rose, N. 2006). Priority should be given to the customers who are the innocent parties and they should be pleased so that they have a good time without compromising the etiquettes of the society. Try to build a good rapport with the local police if matters go out of hand. The police should be called in immediately if the matters breach security. The treatment and account of an incident should be given fairly to the police on a factual basis without twisting or exaggeration to ensure correct action is taken thereby. User Guide Manual Pre-requirements: The user of the software is expected to have MS-Excel installed in their laptop or personal computer. Introduction : This tool is designed to estimate the number of Full-Time Equivalents (FTEs) at an average monthly call volume rate, for three different call duration times. The calculation also considers the estimated productive time per employee per day. This software tool can be used for various institutions like banks, schools, colleges and call centers. Guidelines: The information is to be entered in the shaded blue boxes of the data input page of the excel file (Anderson, Sweeney, Williams, 2003). The Call Duration information: The blue box in the call duration box takes inputs of the total duration of each call taking a default value of 3 calls each with each call rounded off to the nearest whole number minute. The blue shaded box for 1st call duration takes the positive integral value of the first call which generally tends to be less because it's mainly on the basis of taking orders. The blue shaded box for 2nd call duration takes the value for the second call which is slightly higher than the first call because it mainly does involve taking down small information. The blue shaded box for 3rd call duration takes call for the feedback basis and might have a high call time since it generally involves problems faced in the system. Note: All call duration values should be entered in minutes and no other time units The Productive minute per employee per day calculation: We take it by default that we have 365 days per year, although the number might change on the basis of a leap year. The fewer days per year not open (i.e. weekends) input box takes the number of days the institution is closed as per holiday weekend policy. For eg : If the institution is closed for one week per day, then the user should input 52*1=52 in the corresponding box. We automatically notice below the above box, the figure of entered value from the 365 days is subtracted and it appears The fewer holidays per year not open: It takes the input of the total number of public holidays in a year where the institute is closed. It may be different depending on the country where the user resides. The less average vacation per year per employee: It takes the input of the maximum allotted days an employee is entitled to per year for taking a vacation (Greiner, 2009). The less average sick days per year per employee: It is the box which allows the maximum number of days an employee can have sick leave per year. The less average training days per year per employee: It is the box which takes an input of the training days every year the employee is scheduled to have. We notice that the figure appears below the less average training days per year per employee box which is the summation of the above-entered values subtracted from the total number of days per year( i.e 365 days). The average turnover rate is the total turnover of the institution taking into account employees come and leave. It should be noted that the value entered should be a value in percentage. The total productive days per year appears on entering the turnover percentage which is calculated as the entered percentage against the value that appears on the average training days per year per employee box (Grafton, 2001). The Hours per day information We take 8 hours as the default total working hours of the institution. You can change likewise depending on the policy. In the average break, time box enters the total break time allotted to each employee per hour In the average administrative time per day box it takes the total time spent in administrative work Average lunch time per days box indicates the amount of time allotted for spending time for lunch of the employee. The productive time is the difference between total working hours and the summation of values entered in Step 1, 2 and Step 3 Note: All inputs are taken in hours unit time. Some automatic calculation takes place in the boxes below. The productive hours per year is the value of productive hours per day multiplied by productive days per year. There exist twelve months a year and we get an automated calculated value for the corresponding productive hours per month. The productive hours per year is then automatically multiplied with 60 to get the productive minutes per year. Then the value for productive minutes per day is calculated by dividing the total of productive minutes per year by total productive days per year which gives us an estimated rounded value of minutes per day available. To calculate the total numbers of calls per day enter the information as follows: Enter the weekdays open per year for the institution in the corresponding blue box Enter the weekends open per year for the institution in the corresponding blue box It gives an automated value of the summation of above two steps of total days open per year Enter the total calls per year for the institution in the corresponding blue box It is the then automatically divided by 12 to obtain the total calls per month which are then divided automatically by 30 to obtain the total calls per day. The values obtained are estimated in closest round numbers (Levine Levine, 2002). Then enter the total employees in the institution for the corresponding blue box. The half employees can be taken as 0.5 whereas full-scale employees should be taken as 1. As for any other extension, we can click on the calculation sheet to see how everything works out. References Anderson, D., Sweeney, D., Williams, T. (2003). Modern business statistics with Microsoft Excel. Cincinnati, Ohio: South-Western. Brown, D. (2003). The restaurant manager's handbook. Ocala, FL: Atlantic Pub. Group. Byrd, M. Megginson, L. (2013). Small business management. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. Grafton, C. (2001). Book Review: VBA for Modelers: Developing Decision Support Systems With Microsoft Excel. Social Science Computer Review, 19(3), 388-390. https://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089443930101900317 Greiner, T. (2009). Performing Collection Use Studies with Microsoft Excel 2007. Collection Management, 35(1), 38-48. https://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01462670903404969 Hepozden, R. (2011). Golden arches under southern skies. Auckland, N.Z.: Published for McDonald's Restaurants (N.Z.) Ltd by Renaissance Pub. Levine, D. Levine, D. (2002). Statistics for managers using Microsoft Excel. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall. Rose, N. (2006). The raw food detox diet. New York: Harper Collins. Tilton, A. (2010). 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